UnternehmenWarum gründen Frauen seltener?

Claudia Gather, Ingrid BiermannView original
HighlightsBalancedriya_rao voice
One in three. That's roughly the share of new German businesses founded by a woman. If you narrow it to capital-intensive start-ups — the ventures that grow fast, attract investors, and reshape industries — that share drops to just one in six. Claudia Gather and Ingrid Biermann don't spend time debating whether that gap exists. They take it as given and ask something harder: what structural forces produce it? In 2020, Germany saw five hundred thirty-seven thousand new companies founded, of which about forty-seven thousand qualified as start-ups. Women were involved in thirty-eight percent of all founding activity but only sixteen percent of start-up foundings. That's not a small discrepancy. Gather and Biermann argue it cannot be explained by motivation or ambition alone. The causes run deeper — through education, money, and institutional design. Start with the pipeline. A key mechanism here is occupational segregation — the tendency for men and women to cluster in different fields of study and work, fields that carry very different rates of self-employment. Women are overrepresented in areas where founding is rare: only two percent of women who trained in nursing become self-employed, and four percent of those in education and social work. Men are overrepresented in the technical and commercial fields that feed start-ups. So by the time you reach the founding stage, the pool of likely founders is already skewed. The gap begins well before anyone writes a business plan. Then there's capital. Women who do found businesses take up external financing less often, relying instead on savings or privately borrowed money. Many launch small, part-time, service-sector ventures — partly by choice, but partly because certain funding programs exclude them by design, requiring full-time commitment or focusing narrowly on technology innovations. The social safety net makes the stakes even higher. Gather and Biermann document that self-employed women still don't receive maternity pay under Germany's two thousand eighteen maternity protection rules. Health insurance for the self-employed only became mandatory in two thousand seven. When a business slows down after a birth, costs continue and contracts evaporate. Women name this insecurity directly as a reason not to found — or to stop. Networks compound all of this. The entrepreneurial world still projects a male image, and very few all-female founding teams access venture capital. This creates a feedback loop: fewer visible female founders means fewer women who see founding as a realistic path for someone like them. The policy prescriptions follow the diagnosis. Reform social security for the self-employed — the paper points to Germany's Künstlersozialkasse, a solidarity fund for freelance artists, as a model worth examining. Redesign funding programs so they don't exclude part-time founders or social innovations. Improve access to external finance. Build networks among women founders. Each structural barrier identified has a structural fix available. When women are thirty-eight percent of founders overall but only sixteen percent of start-up founders, the loss isn't just one of fairness. It's a forfeiture of innovation, growth, and economic dynamism that the whole society absorbs. This lecture was created by ennepō. Go to https://ennepo.ai to Discover, Create and Follow the latest research in your field. Read when you can. Listen when you want to.

One in three. That's roughly the share of new German businesses founded by a woman. If you narrow it to capital-intensive start-ups — the ventures that grow fast, attract investors, and reshape industries — that share drops to just one in six. Claudia Gather and Ingrid Biermann don't spend time debating whether that gap exists. They take it as given and ask something harder: what structural forces produce it? In 2020, Germany saw five hundred thirty-seven thousand new companies founded, of which about forty-seven thousand qualified as start-ups. Women were involved in thirty-eight percent of all founding activity but only sixteen percent of start-up foundings. That's not a small discrepancy. Gather and Biermann argue it cannot be explained by motivation or ambition alone. The causes run deeper — through education, money, and institutional design. Start with the pipeline. A key mechanism here is occupational segregation — the tendency for men and women to cluster in different fields of study and work, fields that carry very different rates of self-employment. Women are overrepresented in areas where founding is rare: only two percent of women who trained in nursing become self-employed, and four percent of those in education and social work. Men are overrepresented in the technical and commercial fields that feed start-ups. So by the time you reach the founding stage, the pool of likely founders is already skewed. The gap begins well before anyone writes a business plan.

Then there's capital. Women who do found businesses take up external financing less often, relying instead on savings or privately borrowed money. Many launch small, part-time, service-sector ventures — partly by choice, but partly because certain funding programs exclude them by design, requiring full-time commitment or focusing narrowly on technology innovations. The social safety net makes the stakes even higher. Gather and Biermann document that self-employed women still don't receive maternity pay under Germany's two thousand eighteen maternity protection rules. Health insurance for the self-employed only became mandatory in two thousand seven. When a business slows down after a birth, costs continue and contracts evaporate. Women name this insecurity directly as a reason not to found — or to stop. Networks compound all of this. The entrepreneurial world still projects a male image, and very few all-female founding teams access venture capital. This creates a feedback loop: fewer visible female founders means fewer women who see founding as a realistic path for someone like them. The policy prescriptions follow the diagnosis. Reform social security for the self-employed — the paper points to Germany's Künstlersozialkasse, a solidarity fund for freelance artists, as a model worth examining. Redesign funding programs so they don't exclude part-time founders or social innovations.

Improve access to external finance. Build networks among women founders. Each structural barrier identified has a structural fix available. When women are thirty-eight percent of founders overall but only sixteen percent of start-up founders, the loss isn't just one of fairness. It's a forfeiture of innovation, growth, and economic dynamism that the whole society absorbs. This lecture was created by ennepō. Go to https://ennepo.ai to Discover, Create and Follow the latest research in your field. Read when you can. Listen when you want to.

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